Vartanama, Jan '16
By Pawan Dhall
By Pawan Dhall
Media headlines on Rohith Vemula's suicide |
Research scholar Rohith Vemula’s death on January 17, 2016 in
the wake of the Hyderabad Central University’s unjustified expulsion of Dalit
students last year has saddened, shocked and angered people across the globe.
It has left many as stymied bystanders who for that fraction of a moment couldn't help marvel at the human capacity to hurt, insult, demean and kill a fellow
human. Beyond this reverie though, it must give reason for those engaged in or
even remotely interested in socio-political reforms to pause and reflect on
their beliefs and strategies. No doubt tremendous efforts and sacrifices have
gone into bringing about greater social equity in India not just since
independence but even before it. And yet Rohith Vemula’s suicide and the events
leading up to it and since then indicate that “Dilli abhi door hai”. Sounds
clichéd, but painfully true.
As a society, as men, women, transgender or anything in
between and beyond, as children or the aged, we’re still grappling with large-scale
daily loss of self-esteem, livelihood, health, belongings or life on grounds of
caste, class, race, religion, language, disability, gender, sexuality, age . .
. It is perhaps justified to put the blame on the set social order of
patriarchy or on its close friend, the State. But it’s also easy and lazy to do
so. Who are the vectors that carry and sustain patriarchy and the State? Or the
political organizations that put on the cloak of the State only to serve out jumlas,
con games and red herrings? I suspect it’s you and I. There is a little bit of
patriarchy in all of us, even if we are not ‘straight, white or male’ or for
that matter ‘straight, white-type brown and male’. So who should we be fighting?
Isn’t it one part of us, the part that we conveniently take out of ourselves
and then distance ourselves from? Isn’t it then all about self-reflection on a
day-to-day and a very intimate basis?
There is a growing dialogue on intersectionality of social
issues – as the way forward to mobilize people and fight for diverse causes
around social equity. But will it work if there is only superficial dialogue
and no self-reflection individually and collectively on our biases and the privileges
by birth that we take for granted? The fact is that queer people too can be
misogynists or caste and class conscious, Dalits can be homophobic or
transphobic, women living in cities unsympathetic about women in slums,
villages and red light areas, or persons with disabilities biased in terms of gender
(see Shampa Sengupta’s Stop Passing the Buck! in this issue of Varta). There
can be hundreds of such social fractures, including the possibility that even
all ‘straight, white or white-type brown males’ are not equal in each other’s
eyes and therefore labour under a silent and unhealthy burden of imperfection.
See Salt, Pepper and Sex - on the Table! Photo credit: Pawan Dhall |
Where do we go from here? Is it time for the ‘next
generation’ of social mobilizations, affirmative actions, legal battles and
policy advocacy? Are the current efforts producing diminishing returns at
challenging the status quo and social biases getting further entrenched? If the
dialogue on intersectionality is the right way forward, why isn’t it happening
faster and deeper? Are our energies getting dissipated because we are holding
on to old grouses against each other about what happened or didn’t happen in
the past, and the notions of ‘our issues’ and ‘their issues’? Are we unwilling
to confront and deal with the complexities involved in the dialogue process?
Fortunately, there is some reason to be optimistic. While
the women’s movement has long inspired and supported the queer movements in
India, there were and are points of differences as well. The emergence of queer
feminism and trans feminism may help address these differences, at least to the
extent of ‘agreeing to disagree’. The lead story in this issue of Varta, Dhrubo
Jyoti’s Queer, Dalit and Questioning talks about a nascent dialogue that has
developed over the last year between the queer and Dalit movements. Even the
broadening of the support base for the campaign against Section 377, Indian
Penal Code since the Supreme Court judgment in December 2013 is likely a sign
of greater give and take.
More recently, Kolkata has seen efforts by an educational
institution, its affiliates and NGOs to promote legal education among trans persons.
Even at an early stage, it is clear that all parties involved will have to
learn and unlearn many notions about each other and deal with unexpected
hurdles through patience and flexibility to make the programme a success. Moreover,
the educational institutions interested in becoming trans inclusive will do
better than to see this process as a one-way flow of charity. They should see
this as an opportunity to enrich their own knowledge bank through the life
experiences of trans persons.
A participant at the '5th Miss Trans Queen Contest North-East India' held at Imphal Photo courtesy: AMaNA |
Earlier this month the Karnataka state government promised
the Karnataka High Court that it would remove the word ‘eunuch’ within the next
six months from Section 36A of the Karnataka Police Act, 1963 (the section
itself was added only in 2011). In almost a throwback to the colonial Criminal Tribes Act, this section provides arbitrary powers to the police to track and
control the movements of Hijras and other trans women based on presumptions
that their activities are bound to be criminal. While the state government’s
decision was a heartening legal development for trans women, the petitioners
seeking the legal reform (Karnataka Sexual Minorities Forum) wanted the entire
section to be deleted because even after the removal of the term ‘eunuch’ and
its replacement by ‘any person’ it would remain just as unconstitutional and
retain the potential to harass not just trans women but other queer people and marginalized
groups as well. Broader perspectives such as these are bound to serve the cause
of intersectionality much better.
Similarly, if we turn our gaze to the North-East, the ‘5th
Miss Trans Queen Contest North-East India’ held on December 28, 2015 in Imphal,
Manipur continued its tradition of combining protest with a celebration of
femininities (see photograph above). In a similar vein, this issue’s article Salt, Pepper and Sex – on the Table! focuses on a calendar that ‘sexualizes’ the
contemporary discourse on sexuality and celebrates the diversity of sexual acts
possible (consent presumed). Yes, even sexual acts can have a social hierarchy
in terms of ‘decency’ and in comparison with the ‘nobility of love’ and this
too can be grounds for stigma and discrimination, which should be questioned,
perhaps through an intersection between photography, activism and
self-reflection on one’s hypocrisies.
Pawan Dhall aspires to be a rainbow journalist and believes
in taking a stand, even if it’s on the fence – the view is better from there!
Hi Pawan,
ReplyDeleteA wonderful write as usual from an erudite scholar and an activist. As we face the fact today of what actually is staring us in the face is, that the oppressed in our country, to whichever group they belong, continue to remain oppressed, no matter what the surface may show. Thus, in the case of Dalits, it is a shame that they still continue to be directly or indirectly oppressed, no matter how much we show the world that we as a nation what to do all we can to allow them space to grow. What the Speaker, Sumitra Mahajan said, which is reported in today's Indian Express (http://epaper.indianexpress.com/701692/Indian-Express/24-January-2016#page/1/1), Dr Ambedkar encouraged rethinking on quotas, but as a nation we go on like mindless machines who never want to rethink on any aspect of our society. This applies to all areas - LGBTQ too. For everything, we have to fight, because, those who hold the power have no sensibility beyond their own needs and can't look beyond their nose. Love :)