Insight, Jul '14
By Pawan Dhall
It would be tempting to dismiss the occasion as yet another consultation on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) concerns, an activity that the Indian queer movement has become rather good at. But this meeting in Hotel Keshari in Bhubaneswar on May 30, 2014 proved to be no run-of-the-mill gathering. Organized by SAKHA, Odisha’s foremost queer support group, and partner agency Solidarity and Action Against the HIV Infection in India (SAATHII), the usual suspects were all there – queer community leaders, NGO workers, lawyers, doctors, psychologists and media persons. Yet the passion with which they discussed and debated key socio-legal concerns facing India’s queer communities was refreshing.
The illogical aspects of Section 377, Indian Penal Code in criminalizing queer people; its incompatibility with constitutional morality; its contradictions with the amended rape law Section 375 (see Curious about Curative Petitions in the April 2014 issue of Varta) – the 40-strong audience in the consultation discussed everything with interest and remarkable awareness.
Well, the way the political cookie crumbles has always been
unpredictable (and delicious?), but many participants at the consultation did
not play around with their stand on gender and sexuality diversity. Sample this
quote from physician Dr. S. N. Mohanty: “Religious bodies and figures are
hypocrites – all kinds of sexual relations are prevalent within their
institutions, but outwardly they say things to maintain their holiness!” TV
cameras from Doordarshan, ETV and OTV readily captured these statements, in
keeping with the rather queer supportive stance taken by the media in Odisha in
the last half a decade or so.
This visibility is also reflected in the increased
bargaining power of the queer communities in Odisha with the state government. According
to Sadhana Kinner, President, SAKHA, in 2013, a charter of demands was
submitted to the Department of Women and Child Development, Odisha, which
included a proposal to set up a transgender welfare board in the state (a
similar body already exists in Tamil Nadu). The charter of demands also asked
for separate educational facilities for trans women. While a concrete response
is awaited, SAKHA has successfully advocated with premier health institution
Capital Hospital in Bhubaneswar to allocate at least four separate beds for
trans women patients in a month.
Pawan
Dhall aspires to be a rainbow journalist and believes in taking a stand, even
if it’s on the fence – the view is better from there!
By Pawan Dhall
It would be tempting to dismiss the occasion as yet another consultation on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) concerns, an activity that the Indian queer movement has become rather good at. But this meeting in Hotel Keshari in Bhubaneswar on May 30, 2014 proved to be no run-of-the-mill gathering. Organized by SAKHA, Odisha’s foremost queer support group, and partner agency Solidarity and Action Against the HIV Infection in India (SAATHII), the usual suspects were all there – queer community leaders, NGO workers, lawyers, doctors, psychologists and media persons. Yet the passion with which they discussed and debated key socio-legal concerns facing India’s queer communities was refreshing.
The illogical aspects of Section 377, Indian Penal Code in criminalizing queer people; its incompatibility with constitutional morality; its contradictions with the amended rape law Section 375 (see Curious about Curative Petitions in the April 2014 issue of Varta) – the 40-strong audience in the consultation discussed everything with interest and remarkable awareness.
The main theme of the consultation – implications of the Supreme Court’s April 2014 verdict on transgender identities and rights in response to a petition filed by the National Legal Services Authority (NALSA) – drew heated debates and revealed ambitious plans of the Hijra and
other trans women's communities in Odisha. Key presenter Tripti Tandon from Lawyers Collective – HIV/AIDS Unit, New Delhi, had her hands full explaining the nuances of the Supreme Court’s NALSA verdict
as well as its December 2013 verdict where it had controversially given a fresh
lease of life to Section 377.
That all the Section 377-bashing took place in the backdrop
of the reinstatement of the law by the Supreme Court did not matter – it was in
keeping with nationwide trends of civil society criticism and protests against
the court’s decision. That it took place soon after the 16th Lok Sabha polls
had brought the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power at the Centre made it much
more interesting. Till date this political party remains ambivalent on its
stand vis-à-vis criminalization of homosexuality and queer people in India. And
yet the chief guest at the consultation was Bijaylakshmi Mahapatra, Vice
President of the BJP’s Women’s Wing in Bhubaneswar! A strong well-wisher of trans women's communities in Odisha, she supported the candidature of a trans
woman for the Bhubaneswar Municipal Corporation polls in March 2014 when the
ruling Biju Janata Dal opposed it and the Election Commission rejected it.
Meera Kinner of SAKHA with Tripti Tandon from Lawyers Collective - HIV/AIDS Unit at the Bhubaneswar consultation Photo credit: Pawan Dhall |
These don’t seem to be isolated events in the land of the
Konark Sun Temple, well known for its beautiful and erotic sculptures that
display a mind boggling sexual diversity and openness. A day before in Bhadrak,
an important trading town in Odisha named after Goddess Bhadrakali, a workshop
on adolescent health and development needs provided a similar insight. Organized
by Santi Seva, primarily a trans women’s support group, and SAATHII, the
workshop looked at the concerns of queer people below 18 years of age,
particularly trans women and males who have sex with males. None of the
government officials and health workers present had any moral dilemmas on
talking about sex among adolescents, even if it were same-sex sexual relations.
Not one question on ‘why homosexuality’ or ‘why transgender’ was a record of
sorts in the long experience of this author in participating in workshops on gender
and sexuality!
A degree of shift in attitudes towards non-normative genders
and sexualities was evident even earlier. At a panel discussion and debate on the
Supreme Court’s verdict on Section 377 organized by students of National Institute of Science Education and Research in Bhubaneswar on February 1, 2014, even the speakers in favour of the Supreme
Court’s verdict avoided the ‘natural’ versus ‘unnatural’ route of argument. At
least one senior advocate among them, Pradeep Kumar Nanda, while arguing that
the Supreme Court was technically correct in passing on the matter of Section
377 to the Parliament for appropriate legislation, stressed that he was not in
favour of criminalization of queer people. “The legislature should surely frame
a new law to protect LGBT rights, and the judiciary should uphold it, but the
judiciary cannot frame the law,” he argued even as speakers against the Supreme
Court verdict vehemently opposed him.
Equally interestingly, Kaish Q. Khan, Assistant Professor,
Kalinga Institute of Industrial Technology, Bhubaneswar, well-learned in Muslim
scriptures, had this to say: “The door is closed in Islam – there is no middle
ground for same-sex sexual relations. But something may be thought of to
protect LGBT people’s rights against discrimination and violence”.
Then again, it was an important development in the state
when Meera Kinner, Treasurer, SAKHA applied for the Rajya Sabha polls as an
independent candidate in April this year. That she didn’t succeed was a
different matter, but it went a long way in strengthening positive visibility
of trans women's communities in Odisha.
Queer concerns have also made an entry into the youth policy
sphere – among the principles of the Odisha State Youth Policy 2013 is a point on non-discrimination: “All youth development initiatives should
guard against discrimination on the basis of age, race, caste, creed, gender,
sexual orientation, ideological proclivities and disability. Respect for human
rights should form the basis of all interventions”.
The chapter on ‘Special Focus Groups’ is even more explicit:
“Youth that suffer from moral or social stigma: The policy recognizes the
special needs of marginal groups such as lesbians, gays and transgender and
take steps to integrate them into the mainstream . . .” The policy does not
specify what the ‘special’ needs are and how these will be met, but Sadhana Kinner
is hopeful that the Supreme Court’s NALSA verdict will help show the way and also
speed up implementation of the state government’s promises.
One such promise is to remove hurdles in the execution of two
social welfare schemes – the Madhu Babu Pension Yojana (MBPY) and low cost housing scheme Mo Kudia (My Hut) Yojana. The MBPY is a monthly pension scheme launched by the
state government in 2008 for people living with HIV, which has failed to reach
most trans women living with HIV in Odisha. Queer activists in Odisha feel that
the double stigma of HIV and transgender identity at the social level and
within the health and administrative systems is responsible. Similarly, the Mo
Kudia Yojana (started 2008-09), which requires ownership of land towards
eligibility, needs to be modified as it has not benefitted trans women,
particularly Hijras, because they rarely possess land. In fact, many are denied
property rights by their families.
There are concerns also with the Supreme Court’s NALSA
verdict itself. Most trans women participants in the Bhubaneswar consultation
were worried that unscrupulous men would cross-dress and pretend to be
transgender or Hijra in order to exploit the socio-economic and reservation benefits recommended by the Supreme Court for transgender people. A hard-fought gain for trans
women would thus go waste. They wanted objective criteria and processes for
determination of a person’s (trans)gender identity, and some insisted that only
individuals who adopted a transgender way of life and had undergone sex change
should have access to the reservation benefits.
However, there was no consensus on what would happen to
trans women who did not want or could not afford sex change, or who did not
prioritize outward expression of being transgender through personal appearance or
other lifestyle aspects out of choice or social compulsion. Even a thoughtful suggestion
by a participant that the objective criteria should apply only in the context
of reservation benefits and not for general free expression of one’s
transgender identity did not find many takers.
Perhaps what the queer movement in Odisha needs to guard
against is rigidity in its own thinking and functioning. Clear analysis of the
benefits and limitations of reservations as an approach towards socio-economic
uplift may better inform the movement’s policy advocacy strategies. Similarly,
long term expected benefits of creating islands of acceptance (as in exclusive educational
facilities for trans women) should also be weighed against the benefits that
may come from ensuring larger social inclusion (by gender sensitizing and
disciplining existing educational facilities). The option of a combined
approach need not be ruled out either.
Late Dambarudhar Sunani, among the first trans women activists in Odisha. Photo credits: Biswa Bhusan Pattanayak |
Amid all these happenings in Odisha, one is sorely going to
miss the gentle but alert presence of Dambarudhar Sunani (1985-2014). One of
the first trans women activists in the state, to her goes the credit of
mobilizing queer people to form support group Bhawanis in Kalahandi district in 2005. She passed away on May 22, 2014, leaving behind
an emerging movement that would surely have benefited from her insight. But in
her end related to a chronic disease and depression also lies a lesson for all in
taking better care of people around them, not just through medicines but also
the intimate human touch.
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